Czech Society and its Roma Minority

Symfonický orchestr hl. m. Prahy FOK - Category In Article

Subtle Forms of Discrimination
It would be easy to dismiss the comments as the ravings of an old man if it weren’t for quite recent figures which show 83% of people regard Roma as socially maladjusted and 45% don’t want to see them at all (original article here in Czech). Not all Czechs are as openly hostile as the man, but the descriptions used in private or the media are far from flattering. Typical stereotypes used by individuals tend to include accusations of being work shy, cheating welfare, thievery, and engaging in antisocial behavior.

One tell-tale sign of Czech feelings about Roma is that you’ll very rarely hear the word Roma used by Czechs. More often it is cikán, which like the English word gypsy, is a pejorative. The origins of the two words are different. Cikán and its various cognates come from the Byzantine Greek word atsinganoi, a term for a religious sect the Melchisedechians, whom Roma identified with. Gypsy comes from a Greek word, Aigyptioi, based on the mistaken assumption that Roma people came from Egypt. It is not only that the names are inaccurate; they have become loaded with negative meanings.

Roma history in the Czech lands stretches back to the 14th century, and maybe to the 13th. This period was referred to as the ‘Golden Age of Roma’ because nobility offered Roma people a degree of protection. During the Second World War, the Czech Roma community was practically wiped out; ninety percent died at Lety or in Auschwitz. The Roma who survived were joined by communities from further east, such as from Slovakia and Romania. Under communism, these people were subjected to forced assimilation. Roma women were persuaded to undergo sterilization, and the word Roma was not recognized.

Following the Velvet Revolution, some attempts were made at better tolerance and respect, though the extent to which this has been achieved remains in doubt. Numbers of Czech Roma today are estimated to be between 200–300,000, though the official census figures are lower. These people continue to have higher rates of unemployment and poverty and lower levels of formal education than the rest of Czech society, and often live in the poorer districts of Prague or in the country’s northern towns.

Intervention today may not seem as extreme compared to the past, but it exists in the well-documented segregation of Roman children into so-called ‘practical’ schools. These schools are intended for children with ‘mild mental disabilities’. According to an Amnesty International Report from 2010, Roma children are 27 times more likely than other children to be placed in one of these schools. The ‘simplified’ curriculum provided by these schools does not suitably prepare students for the work force, which in turn feeds into the high levels of unemployment. Since the report was released, Amnesty International has continued to monitor the situation, and will release further information in October.

Asked whether it was concerned about the high levels of Roma children in schools, the Ministry of Education said the question was not relevant, because a child’s ethnicity is not recorded as this is against the Personal Data Protection Law. Ministry attributed any failing in placement on the error of teachers, not the system, as they said they had guidelines in place. Amnesty’s Response was that not enough was being done. Amnesty International’s spokesperson Martina Pařížková said, “There are laws and guidelines, but no one cares or they are not being used.”

Further complicating the issue of Roma children being over-represented in ‘practical’ schools is that the children’s parents must consent to their being enrolled. Opponents to notions of prejudice may argue that it is a matter of parental choice. On the other hand, Amnesty International contends that parents may choose these schools for a number of reasons: a desire to remove children from the bullying and teasing they face in regular schools, the desire to have their children in a predominantly Roma school population, or keeping siblings together and the positive response they get from teachers. In other words, the choices are not so free.

In the instances where Roma behave in a way counter to what the majority expect, Husák said, “Unfortunately, poor Roma don’t behave according to the ideas of non-Roma because poverty isn’t connected with making plans.” When a person doesn’t have a reliable income or a permanent address, and when as some Roma families are, they are trapped in a debt spiral, they live in the present and do what they can to survive. But this does not apply to all Roma. Husák, for example, is university educated, with years of experience in his field as a social worker behind him.

We contacted Robert Ferenc, a social worker who has years of experience in the area, to confirm Mr. Louka’s comments. He admitted that in this particular location, many of the complaints were true, and that former Roma residents who were returning complained about the noise and mess in the housing. However, he stressed they had education campaigns to encourage quieter behavior and to encourage people to go to work. I think it’s important to stress here that the behavior of a few people is being generalized in the media and society to apply to the whole community.